by Medadi Erisa Ssentanda and Allen Asiimwe
A Comparative study of Runyankore-Rukiga and Luganda noun class system
Runyankore-Rukiga (RR) and Luganda: an overview
Runyankore-Rukiga (ISO 639-3 nyn for Runyankore and ISO 639-3 cgg for Rukiga) is a central Bantu language spoken in the South-Western part of Uganda in the Kigezi (Rukiga) and the Ankore (Runyankore) regions by four million speakers (Uganda Population and Housing Census: 2002). Earlier scholars (e.g. Ladefoged et al 1971) named these languages according to ethnic groups; but the high lexical similarity that these languages share motivated a merger into "one language" called Runyankore-Rukiga. The term Runyakitara was coined at Makerere University to comprise of Runyoro, Rutoro, Runyankore and Rukiga. Students of these languages study together at Makerere under a subject name, Runyakitara.
Luganda (ISO 639-3: lug) is a Bantu language which belongs to the subgroup of the Benue-Congo of the Niger-Congo language family. It is spoken in central, and some other parts of Uganda by four million native speakers and four million non-native speakers (Uganda Population and Housing Census: 2002). In the Ugandan context, Luganda is grouped with Lusoga, Lunyole and Lumasaba, as the Eastern inter-lacustrine Bantu languages of Uganda and Runyankore-Rukiga together with Runyoro-Rutooro constitute the Western inter-lacustrine Bantu languages.
Like other Bantu languages characterized by agglutination, RR and Luganda have a noun class system that involves singular and plural patterns as well as agreement marking triggered by these noun classes. The agreement markers (or, concords) manifest on syntactic constituents like adjectives, numerals, verbs and others. It is generally the case in Bantu languages that concords play an important role in separating one noun class from another. An example in the case is class 1 and class 3 whose prefix is (o)mu-. The two classes are only distinguishable by concords in syntactic constructions. For instance:
RR sentence:
Omuntu wangye yaagyenda
“My person has gone”
| yaagyenda |
| y | aa | gyend | a |
| 3SG | PASTim | go | FV |
| V |
Omuti gwangye gwagwa
“My tree has fallen”
| gwagwa |
| gw | a | gw | a |
| 3 | PRES | fall | IND |
| V |
Luganda:
Omuntu wange yagenda
“My person went”
| wange |
| wa | ange |
| ofGEN | minePOSS1P |
| PRTposs |
| yagenda |
| a | a | gend | a |
| 3P | PAST | go | FV |
| V |
Omuti gwange gugudde
“My tree has fallen”
| gwange |
| gwa | ange |
| ofGEN | minePOSS1P |
| PRTposs |
| gugudde |
| gu | gu | -įle |
| 3SBJ | fall | PFV |
| V |
These two nouns, omuntu, person and omuti, tree are only distinguishable by the possessive prefix wa- for class 1 and gwa- for class 3 together with other pronominal concords like the subject prefix, a- for class 1 and gu- for class 3.
Generally speaking, RR and Luganda share many features regarding agreement, as it is with other Bantu languages. For Instance, both languages show subject and object agreement in their pronominal morphology. This article is however centered on those instances where Luganda and RR differ in their pronominal concordial agreement marking; but first we would like to give an overview of the noun class systems of both languages.
Bantu noun classes are categorized into noun classes on the basis of the prefixes that they take and it is the system of noun class prefixes that is the hall mark of Bantu nominal morphology(Katamba 2003).
A noun class is signalled by:
- a pre-prefix and a prefix attached to the nominal stem for both singular and plural cases.
- grammatical agreement elements including: subject pronouns, object pronouns, possessive pronouns, adjective prefixes , and other sentence elements.
Table 1 showing a juxtaposition of noun classes in Luganda and RR with examples.
| Noun class number
|
RR
|
Luganda
|
RR example
|
Luganda example
|
Gloss
|
| 1
|
(o)-mu-
|
(o)-mu-
|
omuntu
|
omuntu
|
person
|
| 2
|
(a)-ba-
|
(a)-ba-
|
(a)bantu
|
(a)bantu
|
persons
|
| 3
|
(o)-mu-
|
(o)-mu-
|
(o)muti
|
(o)muti
|
tree
|
| 4
|
(e)-mi-
|
(e)-mi-
|
(e)miti
|
(e)miti
|
trees
|
| 5
|
(e)-ri-
|
(e)-li-
|
(e)riisho
|
(e)riiso
|
eye
|
| 6
|
(a)-ma-
|
(a)-ma-
|
(a)maisho
|
(a)amaaso
|
eyes
|
| 7
|
(e)-ki-
|
(e)-ki-
|
(e)kitabo
|
(e)kitabo
|
book
|
| 8
|
(e)-bi-
|
(e)-bi-
|
(e)bitabo
|
(e)bitabo
|
books
|
| 9
|
(e)-n-
|
(e)-n-
|
(e)mbuzi
|
(e)mbuzi
|
goat
|
| 10
|
(e)-n-
|
(e)-n-
|
(e)mbuzi
|
(e)mbuzi
|
goats
|
| 11
|
(o)ru-
|
(o)lu-
|
(o)orurimi
|
(o)olulimi
|
tongue
|
| 12
|
(a)-ka-
|
(a)-ka-
|
(a)kasyo
|
(a)kaso
|
knife
|
| 13
|
(o)-tu-
|
(o)-tu-
|
(o)turo
|
(o)tulo
|
sleep
|
| 14
|
(o)-bu-
|
(o)-bu-
|
(o)bushera
|
(o)buugi
|
porridge
|
| 15
|
(o)-ku-
|
(o)-ku-
|
(o)kuguru
|
(o)kugulu
|
leg
|
| 16
|
(a)ha-
|
wa-
|
|
waggulu (above)
|
locative prefix
|
| 17
|
(o)ku-
|
ku-
|
|
kungulu (on top)
|
locative prefix
|
| 18
|
(o)mu-
|
mu-
|
|
munda (inside)
|
locative prefix
|
| 19
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
| 20
|
(o)-gu-
|
(o)-gu-
|
ogushaija
|
ogusajja
|
a big ugly man(augumentative)
|
| 21
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
| 22
|
(a)-ga-
|
(a)-ga-
|
agashaija
|
agasajja
|
big ugly men (augumentative)
|
| 23
|
-
|
e
|
-
|
eka (at home)
|
locative
|
NOTE: Both RR and Luganda share some nominal items. For exemplification purposes in table(1), we have used names which are similar in both languages. For instance we cannot use a noun like 'snake' because in RR it belongs to class 9 (e-n-joka) and in Luganda it is in class 3 (o-mu-sota).
Table 1 shows two particular phonological differences between RR and Luganda in the noun class system. RR has class 5 as (e)-ri- while Luganda has it as (e)-li-; and RR has class 16 as ha while Luganda has it as wa. For class 5 of RR to have ‘r’ and not ‘l’ is a fact of phonology of RR and Luganda. Generally, RR has no sound /l/ while Luganda has no sound /r/ (even when it is used in orthography). RR is rich in sound /h/ while Luganda has no such sound in speech except in exclamations and in borrowed nouns (where one may choose to pronounce it, otherwise they pronounce 'k' for sound 'h'). Wherever RR has /h/ Luganda has /w/, for instance RR, hanu here, Luganda wano here.
Bantu noun classes normally group into 10 or more singular/plural pairings. For RR and Luganda, classes 1 to 10 pair up as 1/2, 3/4, 5/6, 7/8, and 9/10 to form singular and plural forms respectively. From class 11 to 23, the system is distorted to pair as given: class 11/10, 12/13, 15/6, and 20/22. The following table details out the grammatical agreement elements in both RR and Luganda.
Table II showing noun classes and their concords: RR
| Noun class number
|
Noun class
|
Subject Prefix
|
Direct object
|
Genitive
|
Adjective prefix
|
| 1
|
(o)-mu
|
n-, o-, a-
|
-n-, -ku-, -mu-
|
wa
|
(o)mu-
|
| 2
|
(a)-ba
|
tu-, mu-, ba-
|
-tu-, -ba, -ba-
|
ba
|
aba-
|
| 3
|
(o)-mu-
|
gu
|
-gu-
|
gwa
|
omu-
|
| 4
|
(e)-mi
|
gi-
|
-gi-
|
eya
|
emi-
|
| 5
|
(e)-ri-
|
ri-
|
-ri-
|
erya
|
eri-
|
| 6
|
(a)-ma-
|
ga-
|
-ga-
|
aga
|
ama
|
| 7
|
(e)-ki-
|
ki-
|
-ki-
|
ekya
|
eki
|
| 8
|
(e)-bi-
|
bi-
|
-bi-
|
ebya
|
ebi-
|
| 9
|
(e)-n-
|
e-/ya
|
-gi-
|
eya
|
en-
|
| 10
|
(e)-n-
|
zi-
|
-zi-
|
eza
|
en-
|
| 11
|
(o)-ru-
|
ru-
|
-ru-
|
orwa
|
oru-
|
| 12
|
(a)-ka-
|
ka-
|
-ka-
|
aka
|
aka-
|
| 13
|
(o)-tu-
|
tu-
|
-tu-
|
otwa
|
otu-
|
| 14
|
(o)-bu-
|
bu-
|
-bu-
|
obwa
|
obu-
|
| 15
|
(o)-ku-
|
ku
|
-ku-
|
okwa
|
oku-
|
| 16
|
wa
|
wa-
|
-
|
wa
|
wa-
|
| 17
|
ku
|
ha-
|
-
|
-
|
ha-
|
| 18
|
mu
|
ha-
|
-
|
(o)mu-
|
ha-
|
| 20
|
(o)-gu-
|
gu-
|
-gu-
|
ogwa
|
ogu-
|
| 22
|
(a)-ga-
|
ga-
|
-ga-
|
aga
|
aga-
|
| 23
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
In RR and Luganda the SM and OB are the same except for class 9 where the SM in RR is either e- or ya- depending on either tense, aspect or mood of the verb. Below are examples to illustrate this divergence:
1a) RR
1b) Luganda
Essaati yange mbisi
“My shirt is wet”
| Essaati |
| e | n | saati |
| IV | 9 | shirt |
| N |
| yange |
| ya | ange |
| ofGEN | minePOSS1P |
| PRTposs |
2a) RR
2b) Luganda
Essaati yange ebisiwadde
“My shirt has become wet”
| Essaati |
| e | n | saati |
| IV | 9 | shirt |
| N |
| yange |
| ya | ange |
| ofGEN | minePOSS1P |
| PRTposs |
| ebisiwadde |
| e | bisi | wal | -įle |
| 9AGR | wet | ADJ>V | PFV |
| V |
3a) RR
3b) Luganda
Ente ebaagwe
“Let the cow be slaughtered”
| ebaagwe |
| e | baag | w | e |
| 9AGR | slaughter | PASS | SBJV |
| V |
As example (1) shows, the subject marker for nouns in class 9 is e- when the verb is in stative or perfective aspect and the progressive aspect. The near past tense and indicative mood trigger ya- as the subject marker as shown in (2). As exemplified in (3) above, if the verb is in subjunctive mood the SM is e-.
Table II showing noun classes and their concords: Luganda
| Noun class number
|
Noun class
|
Subject Prefix
|
Direct object
|
Genitive
|
Adjective prefix
|
| 1
|
(o)-mu
|
n-, o-, a-
|
-n-, -ku-, -mu-
|
wa
|
(o)mu-
|
| 2
|
(a)-ba
|
tu-, mu-, ba-
|
-tu-, -ba, -ba-
|
ba
|
aba-
|
| 3
|
(o)-mu-
|
gu
|
-gu-
|
gwa
|
omu-
|
| 4
|
(e)-mi
|
gi-
|
-gi-
|
egya
|
emi-
|
| 5
|
(e)-li-
|
li-
|
-li-
|
elya
|
eli-
|
| 6
|
(a)-ma-
|
ga-
|
-ga-
|
aga
|
ama
|
| 7
|
(e)-ki-
|
ki-
|
-ki-
|
ekya
|
eki
|
| 8
|
(e)-bi-
|
bi-
|
-bi-
|
ebya
|
ebi-
|
| 9
|
(e)-n-
|
e-
|
-gi-
|
eya
|
en-
|
| 10
|
(e)-n-
|
zi-
|
-zi-
|
eza
|
en-
|
| 11
|
(o)-lu-
|
lu-
|
-lu-
|
olwa
|
olu-
|
| 12
|
(a)-ka-
|
ka-
|
-ka-
|
aka
|
aka-
|
| 13
|
(o)-tu-
|
tu-
|
-tu-
|
otwa
|
otu-
|
| 14
|
(o)-bu-
|
bu-
|
-bu-
|
obwa
|
obu-
|
| 15
|
(o)-ku-
|
ku
|
-ku-
|
okwa
|
oku-
|
| 16
|
wa
|
wa-
|
-
|
wa
|
wa
|
| 17
|
ku
|
ku-
|
-
|
kwa
|
ku
|
| 18
|
mu
|
mu-
|
-
|
mu-/mwa-
|
mu-
|
| 20
|
(o)-gu-
|
gu-
|
-gu-
|
ogwa
|
ogu-
|
| 22
|
(a)-ga-
|
ga-
|
-ga-
|
aga
|
aga-
|
| 23
|
e
|
wa-
|
-
|
wa(-)
|
wa-
|
Agreement is a well studied phenomenon in Bantu languages. Bantu language noun classes form a basis for agreement marking. Although there are known principles for agreement in Bantu languages, each language has a somewhat unique behavior that form restrictions to applying these principles; this could be morphological or phonological in nature.
This comparative article/discussion presents natural languages contexts in which RR and Luganda differ in the adnominal agreement.
We will first illustrate how the noun’s class prefix is reflected on all adnominals and the verb:
It is a general characteristic to identify nouns in Bantu languages as belonging to semantic classes, identified by the prefix attached on the nominal stem, and the agreement concord attached on the nominal modifiers as well as the verb.
Many Bantu languages employ strict grammatical agreement i.e. all concords are governed by the inherent noun class of the head noun. For instance, in Kagulu, noun class 5 triggers agreement of noun class 5 yet this noun is animate (Petzell: 2008):
di-bwa di-swanu di-kudia
The good dog eats.
In RR and Luganda, such a phenomenon is not possible. The only instance that somewhat resembles this phenomenon is class 4 and class 9 that have similar OM as given in table II.
In RR, just like the case in other Bantu languages, the noun triggers corresponding agreement markers on all elements in the nominal domain. The verb too supports subject and object concordial markers which are traditionally known to be identical with the nouns in subject and object positions as illustrated below:
4a) RR
Ebijuma byangye bibiri bihango birungi bikagwa
“My two nice big fruits fell”
| èbìjùmà |
| e | bi | juma |
| IV | 8 | fruit |
| N |
| byàngyè |
| bi | angye |
| 8 | mine |
| PNposs |
| bíkàgwà |
| bi | ka | gw | a |
| 8 | PAST | fall | IND |
| V |
4b) Luganda
Ebibala byange ebibiri ebinene ebirungi byagwa
“My two nice big fruits fell”
| Ebibala |
| e | bi | bala |
| IV | 8 | fruit |
| CN |
| byange |
| bi | ange |
| 8AGR | mine |
| PNposs |
| ebibiri |
| e | bi | biri |
| IV | 8AGR | two |
| NUM |
| ebinene |
| e | bi | nene |
| IV | 8AGR | big |
| ADJ |
| ebirungi |
| e | bi | rungi |
| IV | 8AGR | good |
| ADJ |
| byagwa |
| bi | a | gu | a |
| 8AGR | PAST | fall | FV |
| V |
5a) RR
5b) Luganda
Abaana bagusambye (omupiira)
“The children have kicked the ball”
| Abaana |
| a | ba | ana |
| IV | 2PL | child |
| N |
| bagusambye |
| ba | gu | samb | -ile |
| 3PLSBJ | 3OBJ | kick | PFV |
| V |
| (omupiira) |
| o | mu | piira |
| IV | 3 | ball |
| N |
The noun in sentence 4 belongs to class 8 (plural). The prefix bi- triggers agreement on all elements in the sentence as indicated. The same case is registered in Luganda:
6) Ebitooke byange ebibiri baabibbye
Gloss: My two bananas were stolen.
In (5) ba-is a verbal subject prefix corresponding to abaana (child), and -gu- is an object concord marker for omupiira (ball). In (2), the subject prefix is obligatory while the object is not:
7a) RR
7b) Luganda
Abaana basambye omupiira
“The children have kicked the ball”
| Abaana |
| a | ba | ana |
| IV | 2PL | child |
| N |
| basambye |
| ba | samb | -ile |
| 3PL | kick | PFV |
| V |
| omupiira |
| o | mu | piira |
| IV | 3 | ball |
| N |
The object marker may be included for a specific reading, e.g. emphasis.
The harmony that exists between the noun and other lexical categories as indicated in (4) may not be adhered to in all contexts in RR and/or Luganda.
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