|
|
Line 65: |
Line 65: |
| | | |
| (7) <Phrase>18910</Phrase> | | (7) <Phrase>18910</Phrase> |
| + | |
| + | In (7), the applicative objects which is introduced by the applicative formative is the PP yəzən:u ‘for Zennu’, and it is marked on the verb, by 3FEM.SG object pronoun suffixes. |
Revision as of 10:25, 4 May 2011
User:Bedilu Debela
This page is motivated by the intention to enumerate examples which represent typical verbal constructions of Kistaniniya. Hence, a number of representative examples are taken from construction headed by simple intransitive, transitive and ditransitive verbs, derivational verbs (causatives, passive), impersonals, copula, and converbs .
1. Constructions headed by intransitive verbs.
Intransitive verbs are characterized by not selecting an NP complement. On the basis of their semantic expression and their syntactic properties (1).
(1) a.
bəšš-o
“He cried”
bəššo |
bəšš | o |
cry | 3PMASCSGSM |
V |
b.
zəl:əl-o
“He jumped”
zəl:əlo |
zəl:əl | o |
jump | 3PMASCSGSM |
V |
c.
mət’:-at:i
“She came”
mət’:at:i |
mət’: | at:i |
come | 3PFEMSGSM |
V |
d.
bay:-i wəd:ək’-o
“The baby fell down”
wəd:ək’o |
wəd:ək’ | o |
fell | 3PMASCSGSM |
V |
e.
kassa ab:əd-o
“Kassa got crazy”
ab:ədo |
ab:əd | o |
get.crazy | 3PMASCSGSM |
V |
f.
kassa tədəs:ət-o
“Kassa got happy”
tədəs:əto |
tədəs:ət | o |
get.happy | 3PMASCSGSM |
V |
In the language, core-arguments and obliques are marked by different morpho-syntactic means. Unlike core-arguments which are optionally marked by bare object personal pronoun suffix on the verb, oblique arguments are referred to by applicative plus object personal pronoun suffix. Oblique arguments are adpositional phrases in Kistaniniya with a property of assigning thematic roles such as locative, instrumental, source, goal, beneficiary and maleficiary.
In addition to the subject, Kistaniniya allows only one further core or oblique argument to be marked on the verb. When an oblique is overtly realized in a construction, it is always the oblique that is marked on the verb. In idiomatic expressions headed by an intransitive verb, the oblique argument is referred by the applicative formative.
bəšš-ətt-b-o-t
“She blamed him”
bəššəttbot |
bəšš | ətt | b | o | t |
cry | 3PFEMSGSM | APPL | 3PMASCSGOM | MAVM |
V |
Intransitive verbs expressing motion take adpositional oblique object to mark their goal or source of movement. Consider the following examples headed by intransitive motion verbs(2).
(2) a.
zən:u tə-sod:o-y:ən al:əf-ət:-i
“Zennu went to Soddo”
təsod:oy:ən |
tə | sod:o | y:ən |
to | soddo | DIR |
CIRCP |
al:əfət:i |
al:əf | ət: | i |
go | 3PFEMSGSM | MAVM |
V |
b.
zən:u bə-dngət tə-sod:o-y:ən al:əf-ət:-i
“Zennu went to Soddo by accident”
bədngət |
bə | dngət |
by | accident |
ADVm |
təsod:oy:ən |
tə | sod:o | y:ən |
to | soddo | DIR |
CIRCP |
al:əfət:i |
al:əf | ət: | i |
go | 3PFEMSGSM | MAVM |
V |
2. Constructions headed by transitive verbs
Syntactically, transitive verbs are characterized by having a direct object complement. The complement they select can be phrasal or clausal(3.
3. a.
bəd:ər-ətt-ew
“She advanced me”
bəd:ərəttew |
bəd:ər | ətt | e-w |
advance | 3PFEMSGSM | 1PSGOMMAVM |
V |
b.
zen:u kwas wɨrəw:ər-ett-i
In Kistaniniya, there is a type of verbs which have both transitive and intransitive valency specifications. Consider the following examples.In both examples the subejct is droped,and marked on the verb by SM. Though it is not marked by agreement marking the first example has an object, thus it is a transitive verb (4).
(4) a.
t’ɨbuyə t’ob-ət-i
“She feed from the breast lit. She suck the breast”
t’obəti |
t’ob | ət | i |
suck | 3PFEMSGSM | MAVM |
V |
b.
t’ob-ət-i
“she feed herself, lit. she suck”
t’obəti |
t’ob | ət | i |
suck | 3PFEMSGSM | MAVM |
V |
Notice that in the above examples, the verbal head optionally selects its cognate noun as its complement.
There are transitive verbs which select for clausal complements. The clausal complement can be declarative, interrogative, or infinitival (5).
(5) a.
yə-zəm:i-hi womut yə-zən:u godd-a-n:a-t
“‘The death of her brother hearted Zennu’”
yəzəm:ihi |
yə | zəm:i | hi |
GEN | brother | 2SGPOSS |
N |
yəzən:u |
yə | zən:u |
ACC | zennu |
N |
goddan:at |
godd | a | n:a | t |
heart | 3SGFEMSM | 3SGFEMOM | MAVM |
V |
b.
ma yɨ-mət’a hom šal-ətt-i
“‘She knew who came’”
yɨmət’a |
yɨ | mət’a |
3SGMASCOM | come |
V |
šalətti |
šal | ətt | i |
know | 3SGFEMOM | MAVM |
V |
c.
kas:a bə-fətəna mɨnkom yə-wəd:ək’-ə hom gər:əm-ə-n:a-t
“ ‘How Kassa failed an exam surprised Zennu’”
bəfətəna |
bə | fətəna |
by | exam |
PREP |
yəwəd:ək’ə |
yə | wəd:ək’ | ə |
| fail | |
V |
gər:əmən:at |
gər:əm | ə | n:a | t |
surprise | 3SGMASCSM | 3SGFEMOM | MAVM |
V |
3. Constructions headed by ditransitive verbs
In the language there are verbs like ad:əl- ‘distribute’, šil:əm- ‘reward’, ab- ‘give’ and wəd- ‘tell’ which requires two complements. The complements are a noun phrase and a prepositional phrase which are traditionally labeled as direct and indirect object respectively (6).
(6) a.
kassa yə-zen:u əwjə wod-ə-n:a-t
“‘Kass told a news to Zennu’ ”
wodən:at |
wod | ə | n:a | t |
tell | 3SGMASCSM | 3SGFEMOM | MAVM |
V |
b.
yə-zən:u waga ab-ku-n:a-t
“ ‘I gave money to Zennu’ ”
yəzən:u |
yə | zən:u |
ACC | zennu |
N |
abkun:at |
ab | ku | n:a | t |
give | 1SGSM | 3SGFEMOM | MAVM |
V |
The constructions in (6) are headed by ditransitive verbs, and need direct and indirect object to satisfy their argument requirement. Template (6a), for instance, has əwjə ‘news’ and the PP yəzənnu ‘to Zennu’ as its direct and indirect object arguments respectively.
Double object applicative constructions (a transitive verb with applicative formative)have the same valency specification as ditransitive verbs. The base transitive head verb requires only one object. The second object (i.e. indirect object) is introduced by the applicative formative attached on the verb, thus it is a non-core argument (7).
(7)
kas:a yə-zən:u dərɨs dər:əs-ə-l-at:t
“‘Kass sang a song for Zennu’”
yəzən:u |
yə | zən:u |
DAT | zennu |
N |
dər:əsəlat:t |
dər:əs | ə | l | at:t |
sing | 3PSGMASCSM | BEN | 3PSGFEMOMMAVM |
V |
In (7), the applicative objects which is introduced by the applicative formative is the PP yəzən:u ‘for Zennu’, and it is marked on the verb, by 3FEM.SG object pronoun suffixes.