Difference between revisions of "Kistaninya Verbconstructions"
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− | Intransitive verbs expressing motion take adpositional oblique object to mark their goal or source of movement. Consider the following examples headed by intransitive motion verbs. | + | Intransitive verbs expressing motion take adpositional oblique object to mark their goal or source of movement. Consider the following examples headed by intransitive motion verbs(2). |
− | <Phrase>15220</Phrase> | + | (2) a. <Phrase>15220</Phrase> |
− | <Phrase>15221</Phrase> | + | b. <Phrase>15221</Phrase> |
2. Constructions headed by transitive verbs | 2. Constructions headed by transitive verbs | ||
− | Syntactically, transitive verbs are characterized by having a direct object complement. The complement they select can be phrasal or clausal. | + | Syntactically, transitive verbs are characterized by having a direct object complement. The complement they select can be phrasal or clausal(3. |
− | <Phrase>15250</Phrase> | + | 3. a. <Phrase>15250</Phrase> |
− | <Phrase>15251</Phrase> | + | b. <Phrase>15251</Phrase> |
− | In Kistaniniya, there is a type of verbs which have both transitive and intransitive valency specifications. Consider the following examples.In both examples the subejct is droped,and marked on the verb by SM. Though it is not marked by agreement marking the first example has an object, thus it is a transitive verb. | + | In Kistaniniya, there is a type of verbs which have both transitive and intransitive valency specifications. Consider the following examples.In both examples the subejct is droped,and marked on the verb by SM. Though it is not marked by agreement marking the first example has an object, thus it is a transitive verb (4). |
− | <Phrase>19621</Phrase> | + | (4) a. <Phrase>19621</Phrase> |
− | <Phrase>19622</Phrase> | + | b. <Phrase>19622</Phrase> |
Notice that in the above examples, the verbal head optionally selects its cognate noun as its complement. | Notice that in the above examples, the verbal head optionally selects its cognate noun as its complement. | ||
− | There are transitive verbs which select for clausal complements. The clausal complement can be declarative, interrogative, or infinitival. | + | There are transitive verbs which select for clausal complements. The clausal complement can be declarative, interrogative, or infinitival (5). |
− | <Phrase>16221</Phrase> | + | (5) a. <Phrase>16221</Phrase> |
− | <Phrase>16224</Phrase> | + | b. <Phrase>16224</Phrase> |
− | <Phrase>16226</Phrase> | + | c. <Phrase>16226</Phrase> |
3. Constructions headed by ditransitive verbs | 3. Constructions headed by ditransitive verbs | ||
− | In the language there are verbs like ad:əl- ‘distribute’, šil:əm- ‘reward’, ab- ‘give’ and wəd- ‘tell’ which requires two complements. The complements are a noun phrase and a prepositional phrase which are traditionally labeled as direct and indirect object respectively. | + | In the language there are verbs like ad:əl- ‘distribute’, šil:əm- ‘reward’, ab- ‘give’ and wəd- ‘tell’ which requires two complements. The complements are a noun phrase and a prepositional phrase which are traditionally labeled as direct and indirect object respectively (6). |
Revision as of 10:07, 4 May 2011
This page is motivated by the intention to enumerate examples which represent typical verbal constructions of Kistaniniya. Hence, a number of representative examples are taken from construction headed by simple intransitive, transitive and ditransitive verbs, derivational verbs (causatives, passive), impersonals, copula, and converbs .
1. Constructions headed by intransitive verbs.
Intransitive verbs are characterized by not selecting an NP complement. On the basis of their semantic expression and their syntactic properties (1).
bəššo | |
bəšš | o |
cry | 3PMASCSGSM |
V |
zəl:əlo | |
zəl:əl | o |
jump | 3PMASCSGSM |
V |
mət’:at:i | |
mət’: | at:i |
come | 3PFEMSGSM |
V |
bay:i | |
bay: | i |
baby | DEF |
N |
wəd:ək’o | |
wəd:ək’ | o |
fell | 3PMASCSGSM |
V |
kassa |
kassa |
Kassa |
N |
ab:ədo | |
ab:əd | o |
get.crazy | 3PMASCSGSM |
V |
kassa |
kassa |
Kassa |
N |
tədəs:əto | |
tədəs:ət | o |
get.happy | 3PMASCSGSM |
V |
In the language, core-arguments and obliques are marked by different morpho-syntactic means. Unlike core-arguments which are optionally marked by bare object personal pronoun suffix on the verb, oblique arguments are referred to by applicative plus object personal pronoun suffix. Oblique arguments are adpositional phrases in Kistaniniya with a property of assigning thematic roles such as locative, instrumental, source, goal, beneficiary and maleficiary.
In addition to the subject, Kistaniniya allows only one further core or oblique argument to be marked on the verb. When an oblique is overtly realized in a construction, it is always the oblique that is marked on the verb. In idiomatic expressions headed by an intransitive verb, the oblique argument is referred by the applicative formative.
bəššəttbot | ||||
bəšš | ətt | b | o | t |
cry | 3PFEMSGSM | APPL | 3PMASCSGOM | MAVM |
V |
Intransitive verbs expressing motion take adpositional oblique object to mark their goal or source of movement. Consider the following examples headed by intransitive motion verbs(2).
(2) a.zən:u |
zən:u |
Zennu |
N |
təsod:oy:ən | ||
tə | sod:o | y:ən |
to | soddo | DIR |
CIRCP |
al:əfət:i | ||
al:əf | ət: | i |
go | 3PFEMSGSM | MAVM |
V |
zən:u |
zən:u |
Zennu |
N |
bədngət | |
bə | dngət |
by | accident |
ADVm |
təsod:oy:ən | ||
tə | sod:o | y:ən |
to | soddo | DIR |
CIRCP |
al:əfət:i | ||
al:əf | ət: | i |
go | 3PFEMSGSM | MAVM |
V |
2. Constructions headed by transitive verbs
Syntactically, transitive verbs are characterized by having a direct object complement. The complement they select can be phrasal or clausal(3.
bəd:ərəttew | ||
bəd:ər | ətt | e-w |
advance | 3PFEMSGSM | 1PSGOMMAVM |
V |
In Kistaniniya, there is a type of verbs which have both transitive and intransitive valency specifications. Consider the following examples.In both examples the subejct is droped,and marked on the verb by SM. Though it is not marked by agreement marking the first example has an object, thus it is a transitive verb (4).
(4) a.t’ɨbuyə |
t’ɨbuyə |
breast |
N |
t’obəti | ||
t’ob | ət | i |
suck | 3PFEMSGSM | MAVM |
V |
t’obəti | ||
t’ob | ət | i |
suck | 3PFEMSGSM | MAVM |
V |
Notice that in the above examples, the verbal head optionally selects its cognate noun as its complement.
There are transitive verbs which select for clausal complements. The clausal complement can be declarative, interrogative, or infinitival (5).
(5) a.yəzəm:ihi | ||
yə | zəm:i | hi |
GEN | brother | 2SGPOSS |
N |
womut |
womut |
death |
N |
yəzən:u | |
yə | zən:u |
ACC | zennu |
N |
goddan:at | |||
godd | a | n:a | t |
heart | 3SGFEMSM | 3SGFEMOM | MAVM |
V |
ma |
ma |
who |
Wh |
yɨmət’a | |
yɨ | mət’a |
3SGMASCOM | come |
V |
hom |
hom |
COMPL |
šalətti | ||
šal | ətt | i |
know | 3SGFEMOM | MAVM |
V |
kas:a |
kas:a |
Kassa |
N |
bəfətəna | |
bə | fətəna |
by | exam |
PREP |
mɨnkom |
mɨnkom |
how |
Wh |
yəwəd:ək’ə | ||
yə | wəd:ək’ | ə |
fail | ||
V |
hom |
hom |
COMPL |
gər:əmən:at | |||
gər:əm | ə | n:a | t |
surprise | 3SGMASCSM | 3SGFEMOM | MAVM |
V |
3. Constructions headed by ditransitive verbs
In the language there are verbs like ad:əl- ‘distribute’, šil:əm- ‘reward’, ab- ‘give’ and wəd- ‘tell’ which requires two complements. The complements are a noun phrase and a prepositional phrase which are traditionally labeled as direct and indirect object respectively (6).