User:Bedilu Debela
This page is motivated by the intention to enumerate examples which represent typical verbal constructions of Kistaniniya. Hence, a number of representative examples are taken from construction headed by simple intransitive, transitive and ditransitive verbs, derivational verbs (causatives, passive), impersonals, copula, and converbs .
1. Constructions headed by intransitive verbs.
Intransitive verbs are characterized by not selecting an NP complement. On the basis of their semantic expression and their syntactic properties.
bəšš-o
“He cried”
| bəššo |
| bəšš | o |
| cry | 3PMASCSGSM |
| V |
zəl:əl-o
“He jumped”
| zəl:əlo |
| zəl:əl | o |
| jump | 3PMASCSGSM |
| V |
mət’:-at:i
“She came”
| mət’:at:i |
| mət’: | at:i |
| come | 3PFEMSGSM |
| V |
bay:-i wəd:ək’-o
“The baby fell down”
| wəd:ək’o |
| wəd:ək’ | o |
| fell | 3PMASCSGSM |
| V |
kassa ab:əd-o
“Kassa got crazy”
| ab:ədo |
| ab:əd | o |
| get.crazy | 3PMASCSGSM |
| V |
kassa tədəs:ət-o
“Kassa got happy”
| tədəs:əto |
| tədəs:ət | o |
| get.happy | 3PMASCSGSM |
| V |
In the language, core-arguments and obliques are marked by different morpho-syntactic means. Unlike core-arguments which are optionally marked by bare object personal pronoun suffix on the verb, oblique arguments are referred to by applicative plus object personal pronoun suffix. Oblique arguments are adpositional phrases in Kistaniniya with a property of assigning thematic roles such as locative, instrumental, source, goal, beneficiary and maleficiary.
In addition to the subject, Kistaniniya allows only one further core or oblique argument to be marked on the verb. When an oblique is overtly realized in a construction, it is always the oblique that is marked on the verb. In idiomatic expressions headed by an intransitive verb, the oblique argument is referred by the applicative formative.
bəšš-ətt-b-o-t
“She blamed him”
| bəššəttbot |
| bəšš | ətt | b | o | t |
| cry | 3PFEMSGSM | APPL | 3PMASCSGOM | MAVM |
| V |
Intransitive verbs expressing motion take adpositional oblique object to mark their goal or source of movement. Consider the following examples headed by intransitive motion verbs.
zən:u tə-sod:o-y:ən al:əf-ət:-i
“Zennu went to Soddo”
| təsod:oy:ən |
| tə | sod:o | y:ən |
| to | soddo | DIR |
| CIRCP |
| al:əfət:i |
| al:əf | ət: | i |
| go | 3PFEMSGSM | MAVM |
| V |
zən:u bə-dngət tə-sod:o-y:ən al:əf-ət:-i
“Zennu went to Soddo by accident”
| bədngət |
| bə | dngət |
| by | accident |
| ADVm |
| təsod:oy:ən |
| tə | sod:o | y:ən |
| to | soddo | DIR |
| CIRCP |
| al:əfət:i |
| al:əf | ət: | i |
| go | 3PFEMSGSM | MAVM |
| V |
2. Constructions headed by transitive verbs
Syntactically, transitive verbs are characterized by having a direct object complement. The complement they select can be phrasal or clausal.
bəd:ər-ətt-ew
“She advanced me”
| bəd:ərəttew |
| bəd:ər | ətt | e-w |
| advance | 3PFEMSGSM | 1PSGOMMAVM |
| V |
zen:u kwas wɨrəw:ər-ett-i
In Kistaniniya, there is a type of verbs which have both transitive and intransitive valency specifications. Consider the following examples.
t’ɨbuyə at’ob-ku-n:a-t
“‘I breast feed her’ ”
| at’obkun:at |
| at’ob | ku | n:a | t |
| feed | 1SGSM | 3SGFEMOM | MAVM |
| V |
at’ob-ku-n:a-t
“‘I breast feed her’ ”
| at’obkun:at |
| at’ob | ku | n:a | t |
| feed | 1SGSM | 3SGFEMOM | MAVM |
| V |
Notice that in the above examples, the verbal head optionally selects its cognate noun as its complement.